Between the allure of rhetoric and the exercise of power
When I first covered political transitions in emerging economies, I always believed that a leader's words mattered less than their actions. That lesson has been harshly tested in Tunisia, where President Kais Saied promised to rebuild the nation through bold new economic policies. Yet today, those promises have crumbled under the weight of stark realities.
"The economy was far from delivering prosperity for all, and its benefits were distributed unfairly. But it remained cohesive and achieved steady growth averaging 4 percent annually during the decade before the revolution."
In the years leading up to the Arab Spring, Tunisia was not an ideal state — far from it. However, it had a functioning administration, balanced public finances, and a stable macroeconomic environment that allowed citizens to lead relatively decent lives. The revolution brought democratic freedoms, but also a profound shift in governance that failed to translate into economic stability.
When Saied took power in 2019, he was not just another politician — he offered something different. A narrative of wealth recovery, anti-corruption crusades, and a rejection of international institutions promised a new chapter for the country. His rhetoric resonated with many who had grown tired of political elites and their failures.
Yet the transition from talk to action was not straightforward. As the world watched, Tunisia began a journey that would test the very foundations of what it means to govern effectively in the 21st century.
The numbers are stubborn
What strikes me most about the current situation in Tunisia is how unyielding the data has become. After a brief post-pandemic rebound, GDP growth dropped from 4.7% in 2021 to just 0.2% in 2023 — and it hasn't improved significantly since. A rate of 2.5% might sound modestly positive, but for a country facing massive youth unemployment, it's barely enough to maintain the status quo.
Public debt has surged from around 67.8% of GDP in 2019 to nearly 85% by 2024. Financing needs have also increased dramatically — rising from 7.9% of GDP to 16%, forcing the government to rely increasingly on domestic sources, including direct loans from the Central Bank. In 2024 and again in 2025, the Treasury borrowed heavily from the banking system, essentially crowding out private investment.
This is a recipe for long-term economic decline. When governments are forced to print money or borrow at high rates, it undermines confidence — both within the country and internationally — and makes it even harder to attract foreign capital or secure loans on favorable terms.
And yet, despite these alarming trends, the population continues to face basic shortages. Water and electricity outages have become daily occurrences, and many Tunisians are now turning to migration as their only escape route from economic despair.
The collapse of the slogans
Saied's campaign focused heavily on ideological promises — particularly self-reliance, recovering stolen funds, and building community companies. These concepts were powerful not because they were novel, but because they offered a sense of control and justice to a population that had long felt marginalized.
However, as we look at the execution, these slogans have revealed themselves to be more empty than effective. The idea of self-reliance was supposed to insulate Tunisia from external financial dependence, but instead it led to greater reliance on its own fragile banking system. When domestic financing became scarce, borrowing from abroad became even more expensive — a vicious cycle.
As for the pursuit of 'stolen funds', the results have been chaotic rather than constructive. Prisons filled with businesspeople, while investors hesitated, and production suffered. The state failed to generate meaningful returns on this effort, and the economy remained stagnant. This wasn't just an economic failure — it was a political one too.
The community companies were meant to be a radical departure from traditional ownership models, inspired by global cooperative movements. But they lacked the necessary capital, planning, or management structures to succeed. Instead of driving development, they became another burden on already strained public resources.
The lesson from Tunisia
One thing is clear: leaders cannot be measured solely by the crises they inherit. They must also be held accountable for how well they navigate them — especially when those crises are shaped by their own decisions. In this case, Saied did not begin with a healthy economy. But his choices — particularly the centralization of power and rejection of institutional checks — have created conditions that have made recovery more difficult.
I've seen countless leaders make promises they couldn't keep, but few have gone so far in removing the very tools that might have helped fix problems — from press freedom to an independent judiciary. In Tunisia, the state's ability to respond and adapt has been severely constrained by the political decisions made in recent years.
The situation serves as a sobering reminder of what happens when economic thinking is sidelined for ideology, and when governance is reduced to the will of one man rather than the collective effort of many. It's a cautionary tale not just for Tunisia, but for any nation that believes slogans alone can build sustainable prosperity.
What lies ahead?
For Tunisians, the path forward may lie in re-building trust — both within institutions and between the state and its citizens. It's a difficult process, one that requires not just new policies but renewed commitment to fairness, transparency, and inclusive development.
For me, this story underscores why clarity in reporting matters so much. We must be able to explain complex situations without losing sight of human impact — especially when that impact is dire. The economic struggles in Tunisia are real, painful, and deeply personal — not just abstract statistics or political posturing.
As we continue to follow developments there, I hope readers understand how critical it is for nations to ground their visions in practical realities — not grand gestures or empty rhetoric.
Key Facts
- Economic growth rate in 2023: 0.2%
- Public debt as percentage of GDP in 2024: 85%
- Gross financing needs as percentage of GDP in 2024: 16%
- Unemployment rate: 15%
- Inflation rate in 2025: 5.7%
- Central Bank lending to Treasury in 2024: Seven billion dinars
- Year of Kais Saied's rise to power: 2019
- Average annual growth before 2011 revolution: 4%
Background
Tunisia experienced a period of political transition following the Arab Spring revolution in 2011, which brought democratic freedoms but also significant shifts in governance that failed to translate into economic stability. President Kais Saied took power in 2019 with promises of bold economic policies focused on self-reliance, anti-corruption efforts, and rejection of international institutions. However, his economic approach has led to worsening conditions including declining growth rates, increased public debt, and shortages affecting daily life.
Quick Answers
- What is the current state of Tunisia's economy?
- Tunisia's economy is in crisis with GDP growth dropping to 0.2% in 2023, public debt reaching nearly 85% of GDP by 2024, and a 15% unemployment rate.
- When did Kais Saied come to power?
- Kais Saied came to power in 2019 after years of political conflict among elites and growing economic difficulties.
- What were Kais Saied's main economic promises?
- Kais Saied promised self-reliance, recovering stolen funds, building community companies, and breaking with international financial institutions.
- How has public debt changed since 2019?
- Public debt increased from about 67.8% of GDP in 2019 to nearly 85% by 2024.
- What role did the Central Bank play in Tunisia's economy?
- The Central Bank directly lent seven billion dinars interest-free to the Treasury in February 2024 and again in 2025 to cover external financing needs.
- What was the average annual growth rate before the 2011 revolution?
- The economy achieved steady growth averaging 4 percent annually during the decade before the revolution.
- How did Kais Saied's policies affect investment in Tunisia?
- Kais Saied's policies discouraged investment through the prosecution of businesspeople, disrupting production and contributing to company failures.
- What happened to the community companies project under Kais Saied?
- The community companies project became another burden on public resources rather than an engine of growth because it lacked capital, feasibility studies, governance, and markets.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the current unemployment rate in Tunisia?
The unemployment rate in Tunisia remains at about 15%.
How did Kais Saied's economic experiment affect public debt?
Public debt increased from around 67.8% of GDP in 2019 to nearly 85% by 2024.
What impact did the Central Bank lending have on the economy?
The Central Bank's direct lending to the Treasury in 2024 and 2025 increased domestic financing dependence and crowded out private sector access to financing.
How has inflation changed in recent years?
Inflation declined from a peak of 10.4% in February 2023 to about 5.7% in 2025, but prices have not returned to previous levels.
What did Kais Saied promise regarding corruption?
Kais Saied promised to fight corruption by recovering stolen funds and redistributing wealth to marginalized regions.
How has the situation affected daily life in Tunisia?
Tunisians now live with persistent electricity and water cuts, a collapsed health system, and basic food shortages.
Source reference: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2026/9/3/kais-saieds-economic-experiment-has-failed-tunisia





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